You are here
Home ›Against the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) — but Not Just Against Them!
Nearly all commentators agree that the outcome of the German election is a “political earthquake”. Chancellor Merkel has come off badly, the Grand Coalition project has been punished. This underlines the declining credibility of the political establishment and the numerous crises that the previous government has kept under wraps, at least after a fashion. The entry of the racist AfD into the Bundestag is a sign of a drastic move to the right in society. In many places, the AfD was able to consolidate their gains in the last Land elections, and even build on them. According to opinion polls, many AfD voters made their decision on the basis of dissatisfaction with the established parties. Especially worrying is their penetration of parts of the working class, and the fact that it has succeeded to an increased extent in winning the votes of the socially disadvantaged. They have profited from social misery in this, and above all from a social climate marked by isolation and lack of perspectives, which allows political discontent and social anxieties to be all too easily transformed into aggression against weaker elements in society. Nevertheless, the frequent talk about “protest votes” cannot hide the fact that this “protest” was substantially a racist one. Rarely has an electoral campaign been so characterised by “law and order themes” and open racism. Politicians of all parties outbid each other with demands for more rigorous deportation procedures and more isolation of refugees, which offered the AfD an ideal point of attack for their inhuman propaganda. Repeatedly, AfD representatives argued that the so-called “old parties” had taken over their programme, thus adding further provocations in the same breath. They were therefore able to set the tone of the election campaign, and simultaneously put themselves on the scene as the supposed opposition to the establishment. Today, we can see the outcome.
The Right is the German Centre
The AfD likes to present itself as the “little man’s advocate” and as the embodiment of the “will of the people”. The social attitude of conformist rebels, who demand from rulers that they return to an authoritarian order assumed to be “natural”, reducing women’s rights, regulating sexuality and reinforcing nationalism and racism, is the essential core of its character. This does not put it outside bourgeois society; on the contrary, it reflects the tendencies it shows in its crisis and breakdown. The AfD is the political expression of a middle class rendered unsure and increasingly brutal by the crisis. As early as 2010, the agitation against Muslims and migrants stirred up by the Social Democratic racist Thilo Sarrazin showed how deeply authoritarian resentment had penetrated the so-called “middle” of society. Even at that time, there was speculation over the potential for a “conservative party to the right of the [Christian Social] Union”. In 2012, with the support of a network of neo-liberal “think tanks” and lobby groups like the “Friedrich August von Hayek Society” and the “Initiative Neue Sociale Marktwirtschaft [Initiative for a New Social Market Economy]”, this project took its first organisational outlines. On the basis of a radical market programme and aggressive chauvinism, the AfD made a name for itself as a so-called “anti-Euro Party” and marked its first significant success by scoring 4.8% in the Federal elections of 2013. With the rise of PEGIDA, the main point of its politics moved more and more towards racism. The implications of the “refugee crisis” offered reactionaries additional points of contact to exploit the misery of the refugees and transport their racist message into society. “One could call this crisis a gift for us”, declared the AfD leader Gauland with a cynicism which is hard to match. “It was very helpful.”
Contradictions, Dynamics and Dangers
With its propaganda mix of market radicalism and völkisch nationalism, the AfD is, without question, characterised by contradiction. In the right-wing/extreme right-wing pantomime of the new fraction of the Bundestag, where all sorts of dubious wheeler-dealers, careerists and open Nazis jostle, conflict is in-built. This is shown not least by the departure of the AfD’s chairwoman Frauke Petry from the party. But one should not yield to the hope that the AfD will destroy itself of its own volition, or that its “spell” will be “broken in parliament”. Rather, it is on the cards that the politics of the AfD will continue to offer the established parties a source of inspiration, points of attack and all sorts of weapons. The AfD hasn’t got a copyright on reactionary positions. Nationalism and racism form the social basis of all bourgeois parties — from left to right. Straight after the election, representatives of the CSU made it unmistakeably clear that “the open right flank” must now be closed off. For the so-called “Links [Left]” Party, Sarah Wagenknecht repeatedly advocated putting racist persecution more strongly into the foreground and making politics on the backs of the refugees: “It is very possible that we too have been too soft in parts of our refugee policy. This could lead to the impression that only the AfD are equal to the problems emerging from the arrival of refugees in a country broken by austerity”. This twisted logic that racism shouldn’t be left to the most open racists is the quintessence of all bourgeois politics! The democratic race to see who is the most “consistent” in screaming for rigorous deportations or has the racist immigrant law closest to their heart, will further encourage the rise of the extreme right, and with it, the authoritarian character of this society. Even now, Nazis and racists, in view of their electoral success, are cock-a-hoop: “The end of the Left and this anti-German system has arrived”, according to the Facebook page of the Salzgitter AfD.(1) The screeching of the PEGIDA racists has become even clearer: “The Night of the Long Faces is over! Now comes the Night of the Long Knives!”(2)
Democracy, Anti-Fascism and the Perspectives for Class Struggle
Thousands in various cities have demonstrated against the AfD: Spontaneously, in solidarity and with anger in their bellies. That was good, that was right! But resistance to rising racism is faced with great challenges and traps. Many are asking themselves the question: what’s the way forward? From the part of the bourgeois left there is now much lamentation over the necessity for broad social alliances against the AfD. What at first appears plausible, ends up advocating putting other things aside in the face of the danger from the extreme right and aim at defending the basic values of an abstract democracy in the broadest alliance of all honest citizens. Our problem with such moth-eaten concepts from the antifascist wardrobe is not so much that they do not go far enough, but rather they are simply and utterly capitalist in their entire logic. For what is the defence of “democracy”, but the defence of the glittering façade of a commodity society, which daily institutionalises racism and tightens the screws of exploitation, and, in this way, prepares the ground for reactionary forces like the AfD? Obviously, in the light of current developments, it is necessary to do something against the AfD and to proceed relentlessly against the nationalist and racist way of arguing. But to do this one shouldn’t place oneself as “anti-fascist” in “civil society” the or any relate in other way in to bourgeois democracy, rather it is a question of keeping class relations as a whole in view. Our resistance should therefore be directed not just against reactionary forces like the AfD, but, on the contrary, against relations of dominance which permanently reproduce exploitation, racism and violence. Under the present conditions it is difficult to oppose anything to capitalist delusions. But much has already been gained, if, in the day-to-day social struggles and confrontations, resistance and solidarity can be delivered, revolutionary positions can be introduced and the beginning of a political organisational kernel can be developed, which will serve as the point of departure for an attack on the dictatorship of capital. The success of the AfD racists should be enough of a spur to take up this task.
For the stateless and classless society!
GIS28 September 2017
Notes:
Leaflet translated by the CWO
Start here...
- Navigating the Basics
- Platform
- For Communism
- Introduction to Our History
- CWO Social Media
- IWG Social Media
- Klasbatalo Social Media
- Italian Communist Left
- Russian Communist Left
The Internationalist Communist Tendency consists of (unsurprisingly!) not-for-profit organisations. We have no so-called “professional revolutionaries”, nor paid officials. Our sole funding comes from the subscriptions and donations of members and supporters. Anyone wishing to donate can now do so safely using the Paypal buttons below.
ICT publications are not copyrighted and we only ask that those who reproduce them acknowledge the original source (author and website leftcom.org). Purchasing any of the publications listed (see catalogue) can be done in two ways:
- By emailing us at uk@leftcom.org, us@leftcom.org or ca@leftcom.org and asking for our banking details
- By donating the cost of the publications required via Paypal using the “Donate” buttons
- By cheque made out to "Prometheus Publications" and sending it to the following address: CWO, BM CWO, London, WC1N 3XX
The CWO also offers subscriptions to Revolutionary Perspectives (3 issues) and Aurora (at least 4 issues):
- UK £15 (€18)
- Europe £20 (€24)
- World £25 (€30, $30)
Take out a supporter’s sub by adding £10 (€12) to each sum. This will give you priority mailings of Aurora and other free pamphlets as they are produced.
ICT sections
Basics
- Bourgeois revolution
- Competition and monopoly
- Core and peripheral countries
- Crisis
- Decadence
- Democracy and dictatorship
- Exploitation and accumulation
- Factory and territory groups
- Financialization
- Globalization
- Historical materialism
- Imperialism
- Our Intervention
- Party and class
- Proletarian revolution
- Seigniorage
- Social classes
- Socialism and communism
- State
- State capitalism
- War economics
Facts
- Activities
- Arms
- Automotive industry
- Books, art and culture
- Commerce
- Communications
- Conflicts
- Contracts and wages
- Corporate trends
- Criminal activities
- Disasters
- Discriminations
- Discussions
- Drugs and dependencies
- Economic policies
- Education and youth
- Elections and polls
- Energy, oil and fuels
- Environment and resources
- Financial market
- Food
- Health and social assistance
- Housing
- Information and media
- International relations
- Law
- Migrations
- Pensions and benefits
- Philosophy and religion
- Repression and control
- Science and technics
- Social unrest
- Terrorist outrages
- Transports
- Unemployment and precarity
- Workers' conditions and struggles
History
- 01. Prehistory
- 02. Ancient History
- 03. Middle Ages
- 04. Modern History
- 1800: Industrial Revolution
- 1900s
- 1910s
- 1911-12: Turko-Italian War for Libya
- 1912: Intransigent Revolutionary Fraction of the PSI
- 1912: Republic of China
- 1913: Fordism (assembly line)
- 1914-18: World War I
- 1917: Russian Revolution
- 1918: Abstentionist Communist Fraction of the PSI
- 1918: German Revolution
- 1919-20: Biennio Rosso in Italy
- 1919-43: Third International
- 1919: Hungarian Revolution
- 1930s
- 1931: Japan occupies Manchuria
- 1933-43: New Deal
- 1933-45: Nazism
- 1934: Long March of Chinese communists
- 1934: Miners' uprising in Asturias
- 1934: Workers' uprising in "Red Vienna"
- 1935-36: Italian Army Invades Ethiopia
- 1936-38: Great Purge
- 1936-39: Spanish Civil War
- 1937: International Bureau of Fractions of the Communist Left
- 1938: Fourth International
- 1940s
- 1960s
- 1980s
- 1979-89: Soviet war in Afghanistan
- 1980-88: Iran-Iraq War
- 1982: First Lebanon War
- 1982: Sabra and Chatila
- 1986: Chernobyl disaster
- 1987-93: First Intifada
- 1989: Fall of the Berlin Wall
- 1979-90: Thatcher Government
- 1980: Strikes in Poland
- 1982: Falklands War
- 1983: Foundation of IBRP
- 1984-85: UK Miners' Strike
- 1987: Perestroika
- 1989: Tiananmen Square Protests
- 1990s
- 1991: Breakup of Yugoslavia
- 1991: Dissolution of Soviet Union
- 1991: First Gulf War
- 1992-95: UN intervention in Somalia
- 1994-96: First Chechen War
- 1994: Genocide in Rwanda
- 1999-2000: Second Chechen War
- 1999: Introduction of euro
- 1999: Kosovo War
- 1999: WTO conference in Seattle
- 1995: NATO Bombing in Bosnia
- 2000s
- 2000: Second intifada
- 2001: September 11 attacks
- 2001: Piqueteros Movement in Argentina
- 2001: War in Afghanistan
- 2001: G8 Summit in Genoa
- 2003: Second Gulf War
- 2004: Asian Tsunami
- 2004: Madrid train bombings
- 2005: Banlieue riots in France
- 2005: Hurricane Katrina
- 2005: London bombings
- 2006: Anti-CPE movement in France
- 2006: Comuna de Oaxaca
- 2006: Second Lebanon War
- 2007: Subprime Crisis
- 2008: Onda movement in Italy
- 2008: War in Georgia
- 2008: Riots in Greece
- 2008: Pomigliano Struggle
- 2008: Global Crisis
- 2008: Automotive Crisis
- 2009: Post-election crisis in Iran
- 2009: Israel-Gaza conflict
- 2020s
- 1920s
- 1921-28: New Economic Policy
- 1921: Communist Party of Italy
- 1921: Kronstadt Rebellion
- 1922-45: Fascism
- 1922-52: Stalin is General Secretary of PCUS
- 1925-27: Canton and Shanghai revolt
- 1925: Comitato d'Intesa
- 1926: General strike in Britain
- 1926: Lyons Congress of PCd’I
- 1927: Vienna revolt
- 1928: First five-year plan
- 1928: Left Fraction of the PCd'I
- 1929: Great Depression
- 1950s
- 1970s
- 1969-80: Anni di piombo in Italy
- 1971: End of the Bretton Woods System
- 1971: Microprocessor
- 1973: Pinochet's military junta in Chile
- 1975: Toyotism (just-in-time)
- 1977-81: International Conferences Convoked by PCInt
- 1977: '77 movement
- 1978: Economic Reforms in China
- 1978: Islamic Revolution in Iran
- 1978: South Lebanon conflict
- 2010s
- 2010: Greek debt crisis
- 2011: War in Libya
- 2011: Indignados and Occupy movements
- 2011: Sovereign debt crisis
- 2011: Tsunami and Nuclear Disaster in Japan
- 2011: Uprising in Maghreb
- 2014: Euromaidan
- 2016: Brexit Referendum
- 2017: Catalan Referendum
- 2019: Maquiladoras Struggle
- 2010: Student Protests in UK and Italy
- 2011: War in Syria
- 2013: Black Lives Matter Movement
- 2014: Military Intervention Against ISIS
- 2015: Refugee Crisis
- 2018: Haft Tappeh Struggle
- 2018: Climate Movement
People
- Amadeo Bordiga
- Anton Pannekoek
- Antonio Gramsci
- Arrigo Cervetto
- Bruno Fortichiari
- Bruno Maffi
- Celso Beltrami
- Davide Casartelli
- Errico Malatesta
- Fabio Damen
- Fausto Atti
- Franco Migliaccio
- Franz Mehring
- Friedrich Engels
- Giorgio Paolucci
- Guido Torricelli
- Heinz Langerhans
- Helmut Wagner
- Henryk Grossmann
- Karl Korsch
- Karl Liebknecht
- Karl Marx
- Leon Trotsky
- Lorenzo Procopio
- Mario Acquaviva
- Mauro jr. Stefanini
- Michail Bakunin
- Onorato Damen
- Ottorino Perrone (Vercesi)
- Paul Mattick
- Rosa Luxemburg
- Vladimir Lenin
Politics
- Anarchism
- Anti-Americanism
- Anti-Globalization Movement
- Antifascism and United Front
- Antiracism
- Armed Struggle
- Autonomism and Workerism
- Base Unionism
- Bordigism
- Communist Left Inspired
- Cooperativism and autogestion
- DeLeonism
- Environmentalism
- Fascism
- Feminism
- German-Dutch Communist Left
- Gramscism
- ICC and French Communist Left
- Islamism
- Italian Communist Left
- Leninism
- Liberism
- Luxemburgism
- Maoism
- Marxism
- National Liberation Movements
- Nationalism
- No War But The Class War
- PCInt-ICT
- Pacifism
- Parliamentary Center-Right
- Parliamentary Left and Reformism
- Peasant movement
- Revolutionary Unionism
- Russian Communist Left
- Situationism
- Stalinism
- Statism and Keynesism
- Student Movement
- Titoism
- Trotskyism
- Unionism
Regions
User login
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported License.