falling rate of profit theory

I have spent some time lately trying to get to grips with Luxembourg’s theory of extra capitalist markets and the tendency for the rate of profit to fall theory. I guess my starting point is as a lapsed luxembourgist who gets uncomfortable with arguments blaming all problems of the capitalists crisis entirely on either market problems or production problems. I am concerned that the 2 aspects of capitalism are too easily kept apart from one another. Anyway I would like to raise issues with you to learn more about the ROP theory as well as its relationship to markets.

The FROP theory tends to see production as primary and markets as secondary and this is one aspect I struggle to understand. The market is something very specific to capitalism. All previous modes of production have had a production arena but were not reliant on a market for distribution. Capitalism however is commodity production, a very specific form which consequently gives rise to the capacity to understand society as an economic structure with classes. What’s more wage labour itself maybe wage slavery to the working class but it is based on a labour market too. So ok just because the market had to come first to enable capitalist production to develop, does not make it the primary issue but the issues it raises eg wage labour, realization of capital, supply and demand, overproduction surely mean it is important and should not be relegated to a secondary status.

Further it appears to me that the interpretation of the role of the formula c+v+s is basic here. I do think Luxembourg develops the theory of the need for extra capitalist markets because of a misunderstanding or misapplication of c+v+s. The latter is an abstraction that identifies the relationships that are c,v and s and how value is created. In conjunction with wage labour and the law of value, it makes up the key defining points of capitalism. I do not see that it can of itself explain competition, supply, demand, money supply, and other specifics of how capitalist society operates

So it seems to me the falling ROP theory and Luxembourg’s idea of overaccumulation and overproduction are valid interpretations of c+v+s precisely because they are purely interpretations based on the content of the formula alone. I am not convinced it can explain competition between capitalists though as the formula acts rather as a drive to expand accumulation only in the context of competition in the market.

A further aspect here is that c+v+s clearly is not simply an abstraction of products and production. In terms of total capital, it is an analysis of realised capital ie or production that has already been through the market to be capitalised. It can’t include waste production as that would destroy any ability to interpret the formula so it must be both production and market based? What are the implications here; does this mean that market issues such as saturation and supply and demand eg should be seen as having an impact in exacerbating overproduction and overaccumulation? It also leads to competition being viewed as a driving force pushing the falling ROP to expand accumulation further.

I have been reading Grossman’s book, ‘The Law of Accumulation and Breakdown the Capitalist System’ and note particularly that his implication is that the falling rate of profit does not just reduce the rate of profit but eventually reduces the mass of sv available to capital - a situation of overaccumulation. This is clearly a significant product of his work with the tables which model accumulation and defines a major feature of growth in capitalism. I am still concerned however about the way this model of capitalism has been applied by some however (and one that Grossman seems to fall into too) and that is to interpret it as a mathematical base for investigating capitalism. Grossman does state initially that it is ‘only’ an abstract model but he appears to go on to talk about the possibility of calculating exactly the point of breakdown or collapse in the accumulation process. This has led others to try to calculate rates of profit and so forth. However it seems to me that c,v and s are not simply values that can be drawn from categories in bourgeois accounting. They are much too abstract to enable this. Some statistics in capitalist economics and accounting may well approximate c,v and s and could be said to provide an indication of trends eg growth in gdp, but I cannot see that it is possible to calculate the Marxist meaning of the falling rate of profit. The tables used by Grossman and Mattick include many assumptions on which to base their calculations and it is impossible to know what the exact these figures would be in reality. Clearly it is possible to identify periods of crisis and upswing and identify specific problems at specific times. Capitalism has become very complex so how can it be possible to take account of such things as social wage, waste production, costs of supporting the state and unproductive workers, when attempting to translate bourgeois accounts into Marxist terms let alone calculating the actual rate of profit for capitalism as whole at any given time or identifying its fluctuations either up or down ?

I do have some more specific questions but I am interested to see your responses to these quite broad questions and comments

Forum: 

Sorry not to reply sooner (thought someone else would by now) as I have had massive email problems. You are right to say that these are broad questions. In fact so broad that attempting a reply is quite daunting.

The problem for us who have defended the falling rate of profit theses against Luxemburg's "third buyers" thesis is not the question of markets as such. After all as Marx expresses it in Vol III "in the final analyis all real crises are the result of the poverty and restricted consumption of the masses" (and we quoted this in our very first critique of Luxemburg in 1974 - the text is on this website somewhere). But then goes on to say that not too much is produced as clearly capitalism does not satisfy all wants. The reason for this is found in the constant drive for profit which has its origins in the law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall. It pushes capitalists to compete (not vice versa as Mattick snr implies) as they have to undercut production costs. But the way to do this is to raise productivity by expelling v and increasing c. Ergo the workers share of new value goes down and this restricts the market. BUT, hold on a minute, this does not occur just like that. At the beginning of all cycles of accumulation this is not a problem. Capitalist profits are high and they may even take on more workers and allow them some share of the increased profit. At this point in the cycle everything is hunky dory. The market is expanding and the capitalists start talking about banishing poverty for ever. But at a certain point the organic composition of capital becomes so great that the rate of profit tends to fall and for the capitalists the placement of new investment becomes dubious. For while competition intensifies but now workers are expelled from production and relative exploitation gives way to absolute exploitation which tends to reduce the workers to paupers and now restricts the market. Although Luxemburg correctly identified the problem here she did not have a dialectical notion that capitalism proceeds through cycles of accumulation (despite Marx discussing these at length). Hence when she describes Vol II as bebing in error the problem is her failure to see this. In fact under her schema no accumulation of capital could take place at all (the theory of extra capitalist markets is not even born out by the examples she gives).

But to return to our capitalists who are now facing cut throat competition the crisis is fast apporaching. Some go to the wall, some abandon investment in production for speculation which eventually only ends in tears further down the line. What the crisis then leads to is a huge devaluation in capital values and on the basis of this the more capital-rich can buy out, at next to nil prices, the other capitals, a process of centralisation and concentration which is central to Marx's analysis thus takes place and the cycle of accumulation can begin again.

The Grossmann thing begins with the general rejection of the falling rate of profit by wide layers of German social democracy (including apparently the later Luxemburg). It was Otto Bauer a right wing reformer who dreamed up the tables used by Grossmann. Bauer wanted to illustrate that the rate of profit did not function. Grossmann using Bauer's figures extended them to the 36th year to prove the opposite. But they are an illustration only and we would not rest our case on them alone.

I suspect there is something I have not answered but that's my initial very schematic take on it ....

Thanks for your response. It seems you are happy enough with my general understanding of the issues so I suppose I should ask more specific questions this time to clarify ideas.

A particular issue I have is with the interpretation of c+v+s as being to do specifically about production. As I suggested I seems to me to be an analysis of realised surplus value and therefore incorporates both aspects of the markets as well as production arenas. This is not suggest they are the same thing or do not act at times to contradict each other. Do you agree with this and do you not therefore think it is wrong to talk of production as primary and markets as secondary?

A further issues of interpretation of the formula relates to competition. I had read some Mattick where he did seem to imply that the formula is not based on competition but I thought it unclear and even ambiguous. How do produce an explanation of competition in the formula and why do you consider Mattick to be wrong here? IF (a big if certainly) there were no competition ie totally centralised capitalism, would not the formula still apply? I do think that the formula is primarily about relationships between classes and I cannot see that it explains how policies of production or markets are determined. Here I mean eg production planning (so that the right quantities of products are produced to enable accumulation) , or money supply, supply and demand generally and so forth but including competition. C+v+s just gives an analysis of value creation but not how it is made or how much. It says nothing of the relationship between competitors nor about required production levels. Ok so it is a relationship of elements which exist in a competition market but they don’t explain how competition comes about and operates and indeed changes. It does not explain what impact the results of the relationship has on the market or on production.

With regard then to the tables Bauer and Grossman used, they are as Grossman clearly emphasised, just a model and do not represent reality. What they do is show tendencies and say nothing about actual figures for the rate of profit in the real world. If we think of capitalism as progressing through 3 or 400 hundred years as the dominant system, then clearly a model of 35 to the start of the collapse is not accurate. I would think this means that the counter tendencies can be very strong relative to the decline in ROP and probably mean that it actually increases for significant periods too. This would fit in with your view that Capitalism can find ways to maintain itself against the threat of internal collapse. Does this view fit in with your perspective of the development of the decline in the ROP

Mattick also says that the table ignores the question of depreciation of constant capital. Why is this? I thought that the constant capital element of surplus value covers both maintenance and replacement costs in which case it could be seen to include the cost of writing off capital. I assume therefore that whilst constant capital increases in the regular manner in the table, it hides the fact that old capital is already being written off and replaced in the same process. If it does not, include depreciation as Mattick implies, then would not the the tables change significantly?

Finally how relevant do you think the investigations into Dept 1 and 2 are? Luxembourg works through them and says they are ok, then goes off in a different direction. Grossman says that his tables incorporate dept 1 and 2 but in fact his table for total capital is calculated without any reference to them. Were they used by Marx to work out accumulation processes in a much simpler society than we have today? It seems to me that nobody makes use of these departments to explain anything about capitalism today. Luxembourg suggests money as a dept 3 and I could see social wage industry and the state itself being further departments if they are used to model society as it is. However nobody does this; is this useful or just unnecessary?

"IF (a big if certainly) there were no competition ie totally centralised capitalism..." There can be no such a thing since capitalism implies EXCHANGE OF COMMODITIES. The capitalists do not exploit labour because of some sort of sadism, but because they strive to realise a plusvalue by alienating the product. If there is no alien fraction of capital, that can't be done.

I mean it can't be done cuz even if one produces consumer goods or services the money made must be furtherly exchangeable against alien products so that we may talk of really existing value.

Mattick not only at one point in Marx and Keynes clearly states that competition is what causes the falling rate of profit (we know it because we originally [c. 1973] believed him but will dust down the old notes if you need a precise reference) but he also states that the law of value did not "seem" to operate in the old USSR etc. which we rejected from the beginning. And here if I have understood Un ossu correctly I agree with his comments.

I think you are also posing the question in the wrong way. It is not that production is primary and markets secondary per se but that the specific mode of production that is capitalism is governed by laws which earlier trading is not. The phrase "mode of production" used by Marx to differentiate economic systems is telling here.

Not sure of your point in relation to the phrase ‘mode of production’ covers for, as you also say, it covers the whole economic system hence far more than production. There are forces of production and relations of production which are specific to each type of mode of production. Primitive communism, slave society and feudalism were all based on production for self in some respect and therefore did not have distribution and constant capital cost as an integral part of the economic system. What is specific about Capitalist production however is that it is commodity production with all that implies about the accumulation of capital, distribution and markets and money.

We end up with a basic contradiction between the every greater capacity to accumulate of capital and its capacity to actually produce and use the surplus value that is needed to accumulate further.

With regard to competition, I perhaps should have avoided the allusion to USSR as that wasn’t the focus of what I wanted to say. I would be interested in why you initially thought Mattick was right about competition and why you eventually decided he was wrong. At this point it still seems to me that c+v+s is an abstraction that gives an analysis of the falling rate of profit at both the level of the total capital and for the individual capitalist. At neither level can I see how it analyses or explains competition that is, as un ossu says, a necessary part of capitalism.

I know you can quote Marx till the cows come home so I wont go down that path but my understanding of the FROP in everyday language (if that’s possible) is that investment in new constant capital is undertaken because of the need to increase profits. This new capital must be more efficient and uses less labour so it is able to generate products at lower cost. These products are initially sold on the market in competition with goods produced by lower c/v ratio and hence are sold at higher values than the labour power embodied in them. Only in this way does new accumulation compensate for the FROP. Competition from other capitalists however means that all the stragglers eventually catch up with the technology and prices drop towards the average level for that product ie at a new, lower rate of profit. Capitalists, in order to be able to survive and to compete for their position in the market, must then re-invest in newer technology to raise the profit potential in their products or go out of business. Does this not mean that competition and the falling rate of profit are acting separately as driving forces for the accumulation process not as one force?

I am too tired to respond just now but cannot understand why you keep saying that c + v + s is anything to do with the falling rate of profit? These are just the traditional descriptive categories of Marx (bourgeois classical economy also accepted them). The falling rate of profit is represented by s/(c + v). And markets exist in precapitalist systems.

This is a response to “Links” postings. It starts with a recap of Marx’s analysis because there seems to be a bit of confusion.

In a cycle of production Marx divides the elements of capital into “c” the constant capital representing raw materials, machinery buildings etc. and variable capital “v” representing workers’ wages. The labour power of workers converts “v” into “v” + “s” where “s” is the surplus value, or profit, and transfers the values of raw materials and constant capital used up to the product. i.e.

c + v → c + v + s

The constant capital is transferred to the product. The value stays the same, hence the name. The variable capital varies to become “v+s”

These are values in the production process and describe the process as a whole. Marx assumes the commodities which result from the production process exchange at their values.

To show how capital could accumulate Marx divided the economy into two principal departments; Department 1 producing means of production and department 2 producing means of consumption.

The relationship for a cycle of production for both departments can be written:

Department 1: C1+ v1 → C1+ v1 + s 1

Department 2: C2+ v2 → C2+ v2 + s 2

For reproduction to take place the products of department 1, which are producer goods, must exchange with those of department 2, which are consumption goods, and the following equation must hold:

v1 + s 1 = c2

This represents simple reproduction, i.e. without accumulation. For accumulation to occur part of the surplus produced must be converted into new constant capital and part into new variable capital. If we follow Grossman’s reproduction of Bauer’s table, the equations for the departments become:

Department 1: C1+ v1 → C1+ v1 + k1 +a1c +a1v

Department 2: C2+ v2 → C2+ v2 + k2 +a2c +a2v

This follows Grossman’s notation where:

k = capitalists’ personal consumption

ac = surplus accumulated as constant capital

av = surplus accumulated as variable capital.

For accumulation to take place there must be an exchange between the departments and the following equation must hold:

v1 + k1 +a1v = C2+a2c

You will see that this is true in the Bauer tables which are worked out for the first 4 years of production.

What this illustrates is that capitalism can reproduce itself and accumulate without extra capitalist markets. It can do this as long as it continues to accumulate capital and capitalists do therefore form their own market. This can occur as long as the system is expanding. Rosa side-stepped the Bauer tables by saying that they assumed a continuously increasing supply of workers. While this is true it is not an adequate response. Increases in productivity allow workers to be redeployed from the more highly capitalised industries to those with lower capital content. Bauer tables do show how accumulation can take place without 3rd buyers. The breakdown comes from a shortage of surplus value not a shortage of 3rd buyers.

Bauer imagined that he had shown capitalism did not of itself produce crises and breakdown as long as the correct proportions between the 2 departments were maintained. However, by extending Bauer’s tables Grossman showed how the process of capitalist accumulation itself led to a falling rate of profit and finally to breakdown even when growth was maintained and the assumed ratio between departments was maintained.

This description is an abstraction of capitalist reality and makes extremely favourable assumptions of rates of accumulation. Grossman’s extension of the table continues the original assumptions and abstracts all of the counter tendencies which capital brings into force to counteract the falling rate of profit. (Marx deals with these in Chap 14 Capital Volume 3). In particular it does not include the devaluation of constant capital.

Marx considers the system as a whole hence competition, which you keep coming back to, does not matter. Competition simply means that the surplus value of a department is divided up amongst the capitalists in a different way. Generally the more highly capitalised capitals, i.e. those with the higher organic content (c/v) drain surplus value from the lower organic capitals. Individual capitalists do not receive the surplus value produced by their own workers. But for the system as a whole this is not relevant. The problem for capitalists is that they are producing too little surplus value in respect to the existing capital values. This is what causes the system to break down.

Other issues you complain that the equations and tables do not take account of are the social wage, state expenditure and waste production. Like competition these issues do not invalidate the way the problem has been approached.

The action of the state is not treated separately as again Marx is trying to describe the system as a whole. The state is, of course, sustained by capitalism and is an overhead of the capitalist system. It exists by taxing capitalist profits and workers’ wages to fund itself and such things as the social wage. We do not think this in any way undermines the validity of Marx’s method of abstraction or the validity of the equations above.

Waste production, such as occurred during the 2nd World War, only means that the section of surplus which was due to be accumulated is reduced or eliminated. i.e.

a1c +a1v & a2c

are diverted into waste, e.g. armaments, and do not re-enter the next cycle of production.

As you know we argue that the waste production during the war also entailed the failure to replace the constant capital “c” used up during each cycle of production as well as failure to accumulate surplus value, all of which led to a massive devaluation of constant capital values during the war. Andrew Kliman in his book “The failure of capitalist production” provides empirical evidence of this for the US. This led to a massive increase in rates of profit, again well documented by Kliman. This was the basis of the boom which followed the war and you should note that when the global economy was growing at a healthy rate in the 50s and 60s there was no problem with realising surplus value. Only when the profit rate started to fall significantly in the 70s did the problem of markets and realisation appear. This is an indication of its derivative nature.

You ask how capitalism has sustained itself for 300 years if Grossman says it must break down after 35. Grossman does give an answer on pg 84 of the book (Pluto Press). As you know the tables abstract all the counter tendencies. Counter tendencies which have been present since the dawn of capitalism, produce devaluation of capital, increases in productivity and increased exploitation. During the 19th century crises of this sort occurred at about 10 yearly intervals and had a healing effect on the system. After the crisis was over the system recovered and accumulation restarted. We argue that in the 20th century the cyclical crises are no longer sufficient to restore profit rates because they are unable to devalue a sufficient mass of capital. A massive devaluation of capital by global war has become an integral part of the mechanism which sustains capitalism. The crises which have occurred since the 70s have devalued an insufficient mass of capital to permit a new boom and we have staggered from crisis to crisis. All the time we are seeing decreases in rates of profit and rates of accumulation.

Thanks very much for your detailed response to my points. I hope I made it clear that I am not questioning the validity of the abstraction but I have various why queries do not understand its implications and in some cases the the way it is applied

In that sense I am not sure if it is important or merely an issue of terminology but I would not say that the formula can show what is necessary for accumulation to take place. As you also say its an abstraction of accumulation, an analysis and an explanation but it does not set conditions for it to take place, isn’t that assumed.

Hence, I accept your statement that because c+v+s is about total capital in the sense that it is a model of the product of capital as a whole, but you say that this includes competition. Why does it? If the formula is a simplification for analysing the products of capitalist production, even as it changes over a period of time, I cannot see how it can explain the likes of competition or the planning of production at the correct levels to allow accumulation or money supply and all the other elements of the production and markets process – these are too superficial, too much to do with the real world not the abstraction. (Ive used explain there, but you used the word include. I feel this is the same idea but perhaps you are using it differently?). Im not saying these things don’t take place, just that the model only models the results of production and accumulation. Itself. It does not model everything that capitalism is or does, hence I still appears to me that there are other forces/ contraditions that act as driving forces within capitalism. I understand Mattick also excluded competition from the formula in the end but I have not yet found where he says why im afraid and would be interested to read his arguments too.

Another issue I would like to take up is the issue of department 1 and 2. You have explained how the 2 departments relate to the formula as representing total capital. I understand how this is worked out with the assumptions laid down - I think anyway. What surprised me when I reviewed Grossmans figures is that it is possible to reproduce his table for total capital without reference to departments 1 and 2 at all. In other words they are not essential in the calculation of accumulation! So I think my question here is deeper than the relationship between depts 1 and 2 as you described it, because I can’t see that accumulation depends on the equations you’ve used. So I come back to my earlier question as to whether I have misunderstood the meanings of dept 1 and 2 or whether depts. 1 and 2 are not relevant to explaining how accumulation works and the tendency for the rate of profit to fall.

The reality of capitalist economy is more complicated than represented in Marx’s division of it into 2 departments and the derivation of relations between these departments for reproduction to occur. However, a difficult problem is made easier to deal with by the process of abstracting key elements from the process and subjecting them to analysis. I think you have accepted that this is a justified approach.

Grossman only extends the total capital position, i.e. the sum of the two departments. This can be easily generated from the original assumptions from one year to the next. However, the total capital position (Grossman’s figures) can only arise if the relationship between the departments satisfies the accumulation conditions, namely V1 + k1 +a1v = C2 + a2c. The numbers for the two departments are shown in the first 4 years but thereafter they are omitted. (I suspect this is because there are too many unknowns to allow a direct solution and a tedious numerical solution by trial and error is required.) However, behind the numbers for each of the years which Grossman calculates there will be figures for the two departments and the relationships between the departments must be satisfied.

The numbers for each department represent the total capital for that department. Competition is therefore irrelevant. If we take an easy example from department 1 this might make the issue clearer. In year 1 there is 50 000 of surplus value produced in this department. If one capital (say Hitachi producing generating equipment) is more competitive than another (say Siemens) it simply means that the surplus value is divided up in a way which gives Hitachi more than Siemens. It does not alter the total. The total surplus value remains 50000 and it does not matter how it is divided up. If Hitachi gets more surplus value it probably means they will accumulate more of the surplus value and Siemens will accumulate less. The internal workings of the departments do not concern us. The table is an illustration of what is happening to the total capital of each department. The sum of the 2 departments is what is happening to the global capital. These relationships do not need to consider competition. Competition arises because the rate of profit falls. Individual capitals (e.g. Hitachi, Siemens in the above illustration) experience this and try to offset this by installing more productive machinery, more productive processes, reducing wages, moving factories to areas where wages are lower etc.etc... The same goes for planning and manipulations with the money supply. It is the total process which is being analysed and this totality includes the internal processes such as competition, planning, credit etc. What Grossman shows is that the accumulation process breaks down because the mass of surplus value is insufficient to allow accumulation to continue. He shows how a falling rate of profit leads to a relative decline in the mass of profit leading to collapse as the initially assumed conditions cannot be satisfied. Grossman was arguing against the likes of Bauer and Hilferding who argued capitalism could accumulate indefinitely as long as the relationships between the departments were satisfied, i.e. the equation above, and that Marx’s analysis did not imply any capitalist breakdown.

All this is a theoretical analysis from assumed conditions. What Grossman shows is that capitalism has a tendency to break down and this is derived from Marx’s value theory. He further shows how crises and war have a healing effect on the system, through capital devaluation, and have the ability to generate conditions for a new round of accumulation.

Thank you Azdak for your response and I am sorry for being so long about replying. As you suggest, I can agree with the process of abstractions that you describe but I do have problems with some of the conclusions that are drawn.

Certainly I do agree with the basis of the abstraction that is being made - it is essential to understanding capitalism and most importantly I agree with the interpretation that leads to a recognition of the falling rate of profit in global terms. Grossman argues this well but as you say he only presents figures for the first few years for Dept 1 and 2 ( in my copy anyway). The point I would like to make is that the calculation of the falling rate of profit he presents is calculated on figures for total capital and does not in any way depend on calculations for Depts 1 and 2. Whatever rules that are applied to the relationship between depts. 1 and 2, do not affect total capital calculations - the totals for Depts 1 and 2 are set so that they must equal total capital. Therefore the discussion of depts. 1 and 2 seem to be just contributing an explanation of how sectors of capital relate to one another and I think then reflects only the capitalism of Marx’s time. They do not contribute to the calculation of total accumulation and therefore nor to the analysis of the tendency for the falling rate of profit provides for capitalist crisis

It is noticeable that there is little discussion of these departments in any explanation of crisis today

What is more important is I think the question of competition. It may be an issue of language but it do think that just to say that competition arises because of the falling rate of profit is too simplistic. As the formula c+v+s and hence (v+s)/c is an analysis of realised capital, competition has already reared its head in the operation of the market that realised that capital. Surely therefore it is also valid to say that the falling rate of profit arises because of competition (as indeed ive just seen that someone else in this thread has stated). Competition for sales on the market requires firms to reinvest in more productive machines, more productive processes, reducing rates and moving factories to new areas and hence leads ultimately to a reduction of the rate of profits. Neither viewpoint contradicts the assumption that we do not need to consider competition in the relationships of c,v and s as you correctly say. The latter just gives us a recognition of the falling rate of profit itself.

I do admit I am struggling with the correctly terminology for whether the relationship between c,v and s should be said to include or exclude competition, credit etc I would agree that the TFRoP is about total capital and does not need to take account of competition etc. I think this is clearer here to say it excludes completion. That is the point of the abstraction that it strips out the complications that are not needed to explain core issues, but it does not mean they don’t exist and their existence does not invalidate the abstraction. Grossman emphasises this too and im sure you agree here. But where I think I differ is that I don’t think this abstraction can then be said to explain (include?) competition etc.; it just explains the process of accumulation. These are distinct processes that interact but arise from other pressures in the system surely. I have read an article by yourselves entitled Capitalist Crisis and Consequences which appears to accept that overproduction and glutted markets as a separate process to the TFRoP and this seems a reasonable approach to me.

I have noted in writings by Marx, Luxemburg and Grossman that they all go into the impact of population growth in relation to the FRoP and I would like to link this point in here. I found some of their interpretations of reserve armies etc hard to follow in this area but all agreed that the growth of population is a precondition and a product of expanded accumulation. Is population growth like competition in this respect - a factor that interacts with the FRoP. I would hesitate to say however that population growth arises because of the FRoP even when the reinvestment in variable capital must obviously allow for reproduction and growth in the workforce.

I think there is a further complication here in respect to the rate of population growth in the last half century. World population grew from 1.2bn to 2.5 billion from 1850 to 1950. This is approx 1% per year which may well be in line with Grossmans figures ie a growth in population proportionate with economic growth? Is this reasonable statement. However since 1950 this population has increased by a factor of 3. Clearly population is a significant factor in the absolute growth of surplus value. Do you consider the population growth then to have a big impact of the rate of profit or vice versa and what is the significance of the population increase currently?

I don’t know how well I am arguing here but I am trying to present the view that other forces with capitalism impact upon the process of accumulation alongside the FroP whether on a markets social or political basis and I cannot see that in particular the markets processes ie overproduction, can be less important than the process of the FRoP - albeit relative to the period

Sorry about the delay in responding to your post. But it does mean I’ve had a bit longer to think about the issues behind your posting.

Your main concerns appear to be the effect of competition which you think is excluded from our analyses, the existence of the departments of production which you see as irrelevant and population growth. I will try and answer what I think are the issues behind the issues you raise.

Competition

Competition is the mechanism through which capitals are forced to confront each other in the market. The falling rate of profit stimulates competition which in turn leads to accumulation of capital.

“..A fall in the rate of profit calls forth a competitive struggle among capitalists not vice versa.” Marx Volume 3, Ch 15, pg 256

Marx saw the competitive struggle as underlying the drive for accumulation and we regard this as correct. Hence it also underlies the Grossman tables mentioned in earlier exchanges. The Bauer/Grossman table assumes constant capital accumulates at 10% and the variable at 5% annually and the force driving this accumulation is the competitive struggle between capitals for a share of the existing surplus value. This competitive struggle in turn, is derived from the fall in the rate of profit.

It is important to understand that c, v & s represent values not prices. Values are converted into prices by competition in the market. Competition averages commodity prices forming a single price for a commodity on the market. This controls a factory’s price of production. The higher organic composition capitals (c/v) are able to sell at a profit at lower market prices than the lower organic composition capitals. The higher organic composition capitals thereby drain the surplus value produced by the lower ones to themselves. Unless the lower organic composition capitals accumulate capital and increase their c/v ratio they will be bankrupted. They must accumulate to at least match the higher organic composition capitals in their sector to remain in business. The process of accumulation, however, tends to reduce the rate of profit and this is the reason that Marx argues that a falling rate of profit calls forth a competitive struggle.

The falling rate of profit is the result of the structural changes in the composition of capital. Competition is the means by which the result of these changes is imposed on all capitals.

The rate of profit expressed in value terms is:

s/(c+v) which can be written as

s/v)/(c/v +1

Which shows it is directly proportional to the rate of exploitation (s/v), and inversely proportional to the organic content (c/v).

Competition is not, therefore, being left out or ignored as you suggest.

Marx assumes throughout his critique of capitalism that commodities exchange in the market at their value although he knows this is not the case. This allows the analysis to deal with the essential issues and is another justifiable simplification. The transformation of values into prices is brought about by competition and how precisely this works is a thorny issue. Marx did not devote a lot of effort to this since at the level of the aggregate economy the sum of prices would equal the sum of values. He argued that for the economy as a whole:

  • the sum of all the prices of production must equal the sum of all their values and,
  • The sum of all the profits must equal the sum of all the surplus values. (Capital Vol 3 ch 10)

The use of values is consequently justified at the level of whole economy. This is what Grossman’s tables assume.

Competition also operates between sectors of the economy and tends to average profit rates. This occurs because capital flows from the lower profit sectors of the economy to the higher ones. This tends to increase their organic content and reduce their rates of profit of the sectors which have higher than average profit rates. There is thus an averaging of profit rates brought about by competition. These processes occur as tendencies which operate in the longer term and Marx was at pains to stress this. However, we can see examples of this effect today with sectors such as IT which initially had enormous rates of return and capital flowed into them producing the IT bubble of the early 2000’s. Today IT companies such as HP or Dell only produce average rates of return.

The averaging of profit rates across the whole economy is a further justification for considering the aggregate economy as Grossman has done. This does not, however, mean that the two departments of production are irrelevant as you claim.

Departments of production

As mentioned in previous responses the interchange between the two departments must occur for accumulation to take place and the aggregate figures for the whole economy are simply the sum of the figures for the two departments. The model of the two departments shows how it is logically possible for accumulation to take place in a world composed of workers and capitalists without any feudal, peasant, tribal or whatever, external buyers. These departments do not simply reflect capitalism in Marx’s time, as you claim; they are just as valid for capitalism of today.

There has been a whole body of Marxist literature which argued that the crisis of capitalism resulted from an imbalance of the exchange between the two departments. This was the position of Hilferding and Bukharin and was the initial argument against Luxemburg. This argument implies, of course, that if capitalism could solve the anarchy of the market and regulate the exchange between the departments it would not experience crises. It was this which Grossman is refuting. By extending Bauer’s tables he shows that even with the required exchange between departments the system breaks down, and the breakdown is because of the fall in the rate of profit.

Contrary to what you say we do find the two departments mentioned in current literature, for example texts by Andrew Kliman. It is the underconsumptionists today who reject the two department model.

Rosa devoted chapters of her work “The accumulation of capital” to the considering the two departments but ended up rejecting them which led her to see accumulation as an insoluble riddle. The importance of the two departments is that they show that capitalism can create its own market by accumulating capital. The object of capitalist production is the expansion of capital; this, rather than satisfying consumption needs, is the purpose of production. As Marx wrote:

“The real barrier of capitalist production is capital itself. It is that capital and its self expansion appear as the starting and the closing point, the motive and the purpose of production; that production is only production for capital and not vice versa, the means of production are not mere means for a constant expansion of the living process of the society of producers.” Capital Vol 3 Ch 15

Rosa asks “who is to benefit from expanded production” (Accumulation of capital Pg 330). This question conceals the completely incorrect assumption that production is ultimately for consumption. If this were true there would always be a lack of demand because, as Rosa says, the working class can only consume what it receives in wages. The surplus destined for recapitalisation could never be realised.

Bourgeois economists have also considered lack of demand in the market to be at the root of capitalism’s crises. Keynes, of course, is the most renowned of these. However, there is also a school of Marxists economists, e.g. the monthly review school, who have followed in Keynes and his disciples' footsteps and regard underconsumption as the root of capitalism’s problems. The luminaries of this school such as Sweezy, Foster, Magdoff, Harvey and others start from the view that production is a process of producing goods for human consumption. They argue, like today’s Keynesians, that, if consumption could be increased the crisis could be solved. They point to the reduction of workers’ wages as a key factor in the crisis. In fact capitalism can form its own market as the two department model illustrates as the rate of profit is sufficient to warrant investment.

It is the production of surplus value which is the key capitalism’s existence and the lack of sufficient surplus value which is the root of capitalism’s crisis. This crisis expresses itself in through problems in the market. The problems in the market are derivative ones. During the reconstruction period there were no problems with the market and we argue that this was because the rate of profit was sufficient to ensure adequate accumulation of capital. You appear to want to bring back the market as a primary cause of the crisis. We argue that this is not the case.

Population

It is necessary to distinguish between total population and the population of workers since it is only workers who produce surplus value, though the numbers of workers must include both the employed and unemployed. The figures for total population include masses of peasantry and those expelled from the land but excluded from capitalist production relations living on the margins of the capitalist economy. In the initial stages of an accumulation cycle when there is a high rate of profit and a high rate of accumulation there is a continual need for more workers and generally full employment exists. As the rate of profit falls and accumulation falls proportionately an army of unemployed develops. The Bauer/Grossman tables illustrate this. It is, however, it’s worth pointing out that the increase in numbers of workers required is not as high as the tables suggest. The accumulation process is also always a process of increasing productivity which means displacing workers by machinery. This enables some of the displaced workers to be redeployed. The Bauer/Grossman tables do not allow for this. Also the conversion of peasantry into proletarians provides additional workers without increasing the total population numbers.

The post war reconstruction cycle gives empirical verification of this process. In the 50s and 60s there was massive importation of workers into Europe at the same time as there was full employment. Only when the rate of profit fell sharply in the early 70’s did a reserve army of unemployed develop. Now about 10% of all workers in the central capitalist countries are unemployed and in the peripheral countries the figure is probably around 30%. This is a consequence of the reduced rates of profit and reduced rates of accumulation.

We don’t consider population growth to have an influence on the rate of profit. At present we have low rates of profit, high unemployment and high population growth. Additional workers are only of use to capitalism if they can be exploited. We do not, of course, deny that an increase in the number of workers and the consequent lowering of the average price of labour power is of benefit to capitalism. The increased globalisation of the last 2 decades illustrates this. The central capitalist powers are today prepared to tolerate high levels of unemployment themselves while they can exploit workers at cheaper rates in peripheral countries via export of capital. The collapse of the Russian bloc and the entry of China and India into the global economy have created millions of additional workers for global capitalism to exploit and global capitalism has definitely benefitted from this.

Asdak. I am quite happy to wait for your thoughtful responses. I much appreciate that you give time to the issues I am raising so thanks again.

On population, you are right about the distinction between the work force and total population. I was not thinking things through there but it worries me where we end up with this. I don’t understand the link made by Grossman or yourself between the tables and working population other than as the value of v grows it is indicative of a growing population. Grossman seemed to talk about exact population of workers but I can see how the tables provide this information. It seems to me you are saying the working out of the SV distributed to variable capital is what determines/enables the growth of the active working population ( as opposed to the growth of total population) and I have to agree with you here. However what is then the implication of the growth in total population. Does that then mean we are suggesting the massive growth in population is a growth of population outside of the capitalist economy? Is this population an extra capitalist society/market or is it a drain on capitalist economy ie supported by capitalism? Either way this seems a very significant thing to be saying – and worrying, so im not sure how to start analysing this yet.

On the issue of departments of production, I can see what you mean when you say that the calculation for the 2 departments shows that accumulation is logically possible. It’s a model of how capitalism works, an abstraction. I can agree with you here and I follow your point that it implies that a world composed of capitalists and workers can accumulate. In fact I would then take it further to say that this does include relationships with non-capitalist markets in that this includes investments in c and v within the capitalist world to bring in raw materials etc. (is that contentious? Do I need to come back and explain myself here?)

I don’t that agree however that the ‘interchange.. must occur for accumulation to take place’ if you mean that it is a precondition for or causes accumulation. As I said the calculation in Grossman’s table for total capital works and is valid for total capital as a whole and does not rely on dept 1 and 2 to do so. You didn’t comment on this point so I am not sure whether you accept this? If this is agreed, then I still think that the analysis by Marx of these 2 departments is simply for purposes of illustration because it’s irrelevant to the analysis leading to an understanding of FROP. Perhaps I am confusing things by using the term irrelevant however – I don’t mean its valueless but that the FROP analysis at the level of total capital (which is the most important thing here) does not depend on the analysis of departments In Marx’s time, capitalism was primarily privately owned manufacturing and food production. There was a small state relative to today with little ownership of industry, little of a social wage sector, and I think the arms industry was relative much smaller too. It makes sense in Marx’s time to illustrate accumulation by reference to these 2 main sectors of the economy. The state today however disposes or has disposed of almost half of gdp in developed economies, so it seems there should be more departments to make it illustrative of capitalism today

On the issue of competition and markets, I am not trying to set the market as the primary cause of crisis and I’m not sure what you mean when you suggest I am confusing value and price. In reading Accumulation of Capital’ I have been convinced that the FROP is a valid analysis and that Luxemburg was wrong to see accumulation as dependant on pre-capitalist markets. Hence my pestering you to understand the FROP. I do find the CWOs analysis of the capitalist economy to be clear and particularly on the development of crisis but I struggle with the idea that every problem in capitalism is a product of FROP ie that FROP is the primary cause of crisis. I guess im just arguing against ‘primary causes’ as such and in discussing competition I am starting from the focus that capitalism is commodity production not just production. All production leads to the accumulation of wealth but only production for the market leads or can lead to the accumulation of capital.

Again this may be a terminology issue, but I do think that competition is excluded from the FROP analysis and has to be so in order to have a correct understanding of how the FROP works. This is the point that Grossman argued in the introduction to `’The law of accumulation and breakdown..” where he notes the theoretical ie simplified nature of the analysis of cv and s that he undertakes and stresses its inability to describe actual processes in the real world ( although he admittedly would call competition superficial I presume)

To say that (a) the FROP causes competition or that (b) the FROP stimulates competition are quite different things, although easy to mix up. The former implies that competition is secondary and dependant. The latter implies that competition is a separate force a separate element in the situation. I agree as you say that the FROP stimulates competition which in turn leads to the accumulation of capital but it also seems to me valid to say that competition stimulates the FROP which in turn leads to further accumulation of capital.

Yes, the FROP as a tendency pushes all capitals into a struggle to grab market share and improve individual profitability by any means. You can see this in probably every industry where as you say high rates of profit are accessible when the industry and its technology is new and as it comes to dominate the market, and lots of competitors join the hunt, then average rates of profit drop. Competition then/also (?) demands new investment in new technology to give the chance of an increase in the rate of profit in relation to competitors. Without competition demanding that individual capitals ‘progress’ in market terms and get ahead of their competitors, then the FROP could not come into play long term. This is a cyclical argument where I don’t want to ascribe greater importance to either competition or FROP.

One further point that I would like to put forward here is that whilst the FROP operates at the level of total capital, it is as a tendency invisible to capitalism. If capitalists were able to recognize the FROP analysis they would try to avoid investment in new capital, because it clearly implies their ultimate downfall. Competition wont let them do this. Competition is on the other hand something that capital can recognise and tries to overcome but cannot avoid. The anarchy of the market remains no matter how dominant an individual capital becomes.

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I just realised that Azdak is away until early 2013 so won't be replying speedily to your latest serious post.I have not read Grossman for over 30 years so will leave aside any remarks on his analysis (which in any case is not one we totally endorse despite its considerable scientific interest).

Lets just focus on the issue of competition and the law of the tendency for the rate of profit to fall. What you are arguing it seems to me could fit any stage of capitalism including mercantile capital. There was competition here too but based on on the need to buy cheap and sell dear and to do so to better undercut competitors. Such competition has nothing to do with capitalist production per se. What transforms this issus is when the trade in commodities is carried out on the basis of capitalist production and it is here that the law of the tendency for the rate of profit to fall kicks in. We are not saying that all competition is a product of the LOTFROPF but we are saying that under fully capitalist condtions it is not only the secret of capitalism's extraordinary productivity and growth but at the same time lies at the heart of capitalism's greatest contradictions. And of course individual capitalists don't see it (in fact capitalist ideologues have long denied the efficacy of any analysis based on the law of value and its developed concepts such as the notion of the origin of surplus value). All they see is that they individually have to ensure the maximisation of their profit. The fact that the sum total of this activity is a general lowering of the average rate of profit is beyond them. All they know is that if their firm does not grow then it will lose market share and be taken over or fold. But as they all race to increase productivity (an apparent counter-tendency to the LOTFROPF but which in fact only reproduces the same outcome further down the road). The LOTFROPF does not explain competition in general but it does drive and determine the nature of competition in a fully capitalist world.

But there is another side to all this in that the LOTFROPF is just another expression of the rising organic composition of capital. At a certain point the expansion of capitalist accumualtion reaches a level where further investment is no longer attempted in expanding production as it is no longer going to bring in the same returns. The weight of constant capital is so great that unless there is some massive devaluation of capital then no new cycle of profitable accumulation can begin. But the process of devaluation of capital is always painful whether in the form of the nineteenth century business cycle aka decennial crisis or in modern capitalist conditions in the age of imperialism, a global conflict. We arrived at such a point in the early 70s but have not yet seen this devaluation. The capitalists everywherre know the consequneces and they know that some way to get devaluation has to be found but they are in a logical bind. The intervention of the state has ensured that the stagnation of almost 4 decades has gone on and on and now assumes historic proportions as the state has tried to mitigate the worst consequences of the crisis so we have instead of a collapse a long drawn out stagnation. The signs are that this has some way to go but eventually it will no longer be containable. We can only shudder at the consequences especailly with a working class which has hardly regrouped after the long defeat of the last 90 years. but face up to the situation we must and prepare for a working class resistance as the system takes us on a race to the bottom as far as living standards are concerned.

If this takes you off the point of your discussion feel free to ignore it.

Cleishbotham, I would like to pick on one particular thing you said. Not sure if it’s what you meant but you do say that the ‘LOTROPF is at the heart of capitalism’s greatest contradictions’, implying that there are other major contradictions. I am happy to accept that you say it is the greatest but what other contradictions do you give a major role to and how do they all interrelate?? I guess this is one of the key points I am trying to get at, cos as I said before I am concerned and irritated when on the one hand all is blamed on the FROP and then others blame all the same consequences on market saturation. Was this an incorrect wording or what do you consider to be the main contradictions driving capitalism forward.

With regard to competition, I initially agreed with what you said about competition changing due to the emergence of capitalist production but have become less clear on what this can mean. I’m not sure the ‘nature’ of competition changes as production emerges as I can see this a clearly a new phase of capitalism where the market extends to incorporate capital eqpt, raw materials and labour as well as a finished goods. Surely all can still be reduced to buy cheap and sell dear as you put it, the magic ingredient is the creation of value enables accumulation to proceed. As accumulation expands further, the conditions for competition change and it goes from local to national to global phenomenon. Surely there is a greater change in competition when capitalism comes towards and enters decadence – competition becomes more intense and all consuming in this period when marketing and quality strategies begin to dominate global competition strategies. This course of development would then also be significantly affected by periods when the rate of profit is either rising or falling. So I guess I'm back again to asking why TFROPF and competition cant be seen as complementary forces.

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Sorry not to reply sooner but have been a bit distracted by other tasks.

First I think Rosa Luxemburg is in a different position from other over-productionists as she is the only one who insists that capitalism can only accumulate as long as there are "third buyers" to absorb from pre-capitalist modes of production. She argues that once this process is complete (and she certianly thought it was by 1890) then capitalism would face a once and for all crisis of over-production (the only solution she posited short of imperialist war was the arms race as "a province of accumulation".). Most of those who reject the notio of the centrality of the law of the tendency for a falling rate of profit dp so on the under-consumptionist grounds that in the final analysis the working class cannot buy all the commodities that it produces given that so much of the real value of their labour power is taken from them by the capitalists. In Vol III of Capital they can get sustenance from Marx's famous passage that in the last resort the final cause of all crises is "the poverty and restricted consumption of the masses". This is true but it is also a consequence of the rising organic composition of capital. At the beginning of any cycle of accumulation the working class is compelled to acquiesce in a very high rate of exploitation as the wiping out of so many capital values has also reduced the value of labour power. But as the cycle goes on and capital expands labour power increases in value as the capitalist are investing at full swing as they enjoy a healthy rate of profit and expand the economy. However at a certain point the deployment of new capital is not simply to expand accumulation but to dramatically increase productivity to further raise the rate of exploitation through the increased use of new technology or machinery. This no longer means expanding the labour force but reducing it. The expulsion of workers from the labour force is a result and this in the end leads to the further poverty and restricted consumption of the masses. What is mising fromthe underconsumptionist or over productionist analysis is the cycle of accumulation which is governed by the law of value. This was what I meant when I said the LOTOTROPTF was behind the major contradictions of the capitalist system.

Hope this is clear!

Ive been back 2 or 3 times to read your last comments . I don’t particularly disagree with what you say but I guess im not clear on whether it answers my question or not. On the other hand I don’t think I posed the question in my last comment well so… Anyway, Ive put up another text on the forum about the ideas of decadence where at one point I tried to present the FROP theory in relation to decadence and other contradictions in capitalism. Maybe this is a clearer way to pose the issue. How do you feel about how ive expressed things there?

I follow your argument but im struggling particularly with the last couple of sentences and what the implications are. If you are criticising theories for a static approach to analysis capitalism ie too little consumption by the wc or too many products for the market, I would agree with you. They are not enough in themselves, its (the direction of) tendencies in accumulation that matter. The FROP indicates a progressively greater disparity between the surplus value capitalism can generate and its actual need. Behind this is exchange value vs actual social need. Is this what you mean?

This is the underproduction of sv. It could however also be possible to talk of overproduction in a similar way (Luxemburg suggested this but does not take up the argument – and I cant find the quote at moment) in that each cycle of accumulation generates more value than existed previously and capitalism must therefore find a way to incorporate this created value into further cycles (Luxemburg saw this as complementary to the FROP)

The underproduction of sv becomes progressively larger and according to grossman leads to an absolute inability to accumulate. This view of overproduction requires also a progressively greater capacity for the production forces to grow but the FROP and the world market must both limit that. Again behind both is capacity vs need and therefore exchange value vs use value

I think I am getting round to agreeing about the need to base crisis theory on the law of value but im not sure where that leads now and im not sure if this is what you meant anyway??

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Have you read our critique of Rosa Luxemburg and her epigones? We republished on this site in 2007 (thr original was written in 1975-6.

leftcom.org

Our collective position on the question of decadence is in the article "Refining the Concept of Decadence" published in 2005 (in Internationalist Communist 23 - there are still one or two left but it is also on the site at

leftcom.org

they may not answer your questions but that is where we clearly state our positions on these issues.

You ask if I think that you have characterised the FROP in relation to the issue of decadence accurately in the other thread you have started. I don't. You miss out what is essential to the theory which is the notion that the FROP operates in cycles which work like a spiral in the ever increasing concentration and centralisation of capital. Without this we could not explain how the character of capital, whilst still driven by the same fundamental laws (FROP and the law of value at the heart of them) alters with the onset of monopolies, imperialism and state capitalism. In the neineteenth century every crisis of "over-accumulation" was resolved by the devaluation of capital though purely economic means. Under monopoly imperialist conditions, and with a greater mass of capital in operation, a few bankruptcies are not enough to devalue sufficient capital for a new round of accumulation to begin. Only the massive destruction of value such as achieved in a global imperialist war could do this. The current crisis has been managed in all sorts of ways for 40 years but has not been resolved and the latest dodge (financial speculation) has now blown up in the faces of the capitalists. In the nineteenth century such a crisis would have led to a general crisis for a few years in which capital was devalued before a new round of accumulation could begin, but not today. To protect the parasitically acquired capital of the great financial houses capitalist governments everywhere have taken on the debts to avoid precisely the devaluation which would otherwise be capitalism's "natural" course. Instead the financial edifice has been protected whilst the vulnerable victims of speculation have to pay the price.The crisis drags on bringing more social misery in its trail. But one day the need for devaluation will provoke another war - unless the sleeping giant of the world working class wakes up and plays the part which it alone can play. There are small signs today that such stirrings are taking place but as yet insufficient to create a proletarian movement worthy of the name. It will be this and not an abstract heuristic device like decadence ( valuable though I find it) which puts an end to the system.

Thanks a lot for the texts. Thats very good timing given what ive been looking at lately. I think ive seen certainly the text on decadence but have to admit i dont remember a lot from it so Ill read them before the MDF meeting and respond a bit later. I will certainly present a summary of CWO views on decadence at the meeting too